Regimes that have been in place for decades have either been swept aside or are soon to be on their way.
It was 1981 when the now deposed Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak began his term; 1978 for Yemen's outgoing leader, Ali Saleh; 1971 for Syria's embattled al-Assad family; and 1969 when 27-year-old Muammar Gaddafi began his despotic Libyan rule.
For other besieged leaders in the region the tenure is even longer, like Prime Minister Khalifa al-Khalifa in Bahrain, whose ruling family dynasty stretches for more than 200 years.
So what do we make of these recent developments and how do they impact upon Australia's national interest? I start from the position that these people-led revolutions are, on balance, a positive development for the region. For too long, brutal and undemocratic leaders have quelled internal dissent and stifled economic growth. In a region characterised by low levels of literacy, inequalities for women and a gaping chasm between rich and poor, dramatic change was needed.
It must start with political reform and from there the benefits can begin to permeate to all aspects of society and the economy.
But while this is the right road it is not an easy road. Particularly so in a region which has for generations been riddled by interstate and intrastate conflict and which starts, to use a sporting analogy, a long way back on the grid.
What is more, external forces, particularly Iran, are doing their best to hijack legitimate expressions of democracy, and manipulate these movements for their own nefarious ends.
Determined to propagate their fundamentalist brand of Islam and curb Western influence, they are financing, training and encouraging extremist elements from Bahrain to Yemen, from Afghanistan to Iraq. This power play is coupled with a strategy to encircle Israel with their proxies -- Hezbollah in Lebanon, Hamas in Gaza, their political allies in Damascus and their new-found brethren in Egypt, the radical Muslim Brotherhood.
Israel's worsening security dilemma is occurring at a time when its enemies are ramping up efforts to delegitimise its existence in international forums. Boycotts, sanctions and divestments promoted by left-wing union and green groups and unilateral Palestinian attempts at statehood via the UN General Assembly are cases in point.
But if there is to be a path out of this quagmire, stability in Egypt will be key. With 85 million people, Egypt is not only the biggest country in the region, it is the crucible of the Arab world and a cradle of civilisation. The democratic movement in Cairo cannot be allowed to fail. Too much is at stake. Were the Muslim Brotherhood to gain power not only would the peace treaty with Israel lie in ruins, but freedoms would be curtailed and the region would edge closer to the abyss.
It was former US secretary of state Henry Kissinger who said: "You can't make war in the Middle East without Egypt and you can't make peace without Syria." There is some truth in this. That is why US President Barack Obama's commitment last week to political and economic reform in the Middle East and North Africa as "a top priority" is welcome.
America has mapped out its engagement strategy trade and investment partnerships, enterprise funds, debt relief and new measures to enhance good governance. Australia must be there too, supporting international efforts to ensure this "historic opportunity" is not lost.
Australia has a deep and enduring bond with the Middle East. Our burgeoning trade and people-to-people links sit neatly with our significant military ties to the region.
At a time of historic change our tradition of strategic engagement must continue, for we and our global partners who believe in freedom and prosperity have a substantial stake in the outcome.
Josh Frydenberg is the federal member for Kooyong and a former senior adviser to foreign minister Alexander Downer and prime minister John Howard
